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==== Content and goals ====
==== Content and goals ====


In contrast to the e-learning modules of the ISPoS program, the Summer School concentrated on the local problems of a specific region where the huge impacts of supra-regional industries are visible. The program capitalized on the opportunities to see and experience the situation in the Ore Mountains: a Czech – German border region which suffers from (unregulated) mining industry, air pollution from lignite power plants and chemical factories, and above all bears the history of the Sudetenland with all its attached stigmas relating to the forced migration of its inhabitants. We have met local people and points of interest, explored and described the current situation and tried to find solutions through the exploration of the actor analysis method with a practical application to the local circumstances.
In contrast to the e-learning modules of the ISPoS program, the Summer School focused on the local problems of a specific region where the huge impacts of supra-regional industries are visible. The program capitalized on the opportunities to see and experience the situation in the Ore Mountains: a Czech – German border region which suffers from (unregulated) mining industry, air pollution from lignite power plants and chemical factories, and above all bears the history of the Sudetenland with all its attached stigmas relating to the forced migration of its inhabitants. We met local people and points of interest, explored and described the current situation and tried to find solutions through the exploration of the actor analysis method practical applied to the local circumstances.
 
== Ustí Region ==
 
===The burden of history & alienation from the landscape===
 
In former times, the Usti region was comprised to a large extent by a sizeable part of the German Sudetenland, much of which ran along the southern, western and northern borderlands between Germany and the Czechoslovakia and populated predominantly by ethnic Germans. The area was occupied by the Nazi regime and put under military administration following the 1938 Munich Agreement. Transportation of the local Jewish population to concentration camps and the expulsion of the much of the ethnic Czech population into the Czech and Moravian Protectorate followed. The Nazis then unashamedly exploited the natural resources and established industries of the Usti region without concern for maintenance (it was a vital area for the manufacture of synthetic fuel from the local coal deposits to drive the Nazi war machine).
 
At the end of the war, most Sudeten Germans were in turn expelled from the region by the re-established Czechoslovak government, leaving large swathes of the land virtually uninhabited. New immigrants to the region from Czech, Slovak, Romany and Ukrainian populations had no connection to the land or its history, and some of the initial waves of immigrants were simply seeking to strip private and public buildings of property and return to where they originally came from. An ensuing ‘deGermanisation’ campaign in favour of all things Czech led to the further destruction of German monuments and housing stock and the obliteration of valuable artefacts and records.
 
The sudden disappearance of centuries of German culture and nearly all the German inhabitants, plus the arrival of a wholly new population with no roots to the area contributed to irreparable damage to both the human landscape and natural environment. This alienation to the land was further exacerbated by the drawing of the Iron Curtain around the newly communist post-war states in the Central and Eastern Europe; the borderlands in the Usti region effectively became out-of-bounds or suffered from a lack of investment for many decades as a result. Allied to this neglect of the region was the communist regime’s desire to fuel large-scale industrial expansion by massively exploiting the lignite reserves in the North Bohemian coal basis. Extraction of the coal required the wholesale demolition of entire villages and towns; the regime knew that it could rely on the acquiescence of a local population that had no connection to the land and was reliant on the work provided by this type of exploitation. Even the entire former royal city of Most was systematically bulldozed from the late 1060s to the early 1980s to extract the coal beneath it and rebuilt along non-anaesthetic socialist utilitarian lines.
 
Even the new democratic era has not greatly benefited the Usti region in comparison to other parts of the Czech Republic, as the area remains relatively neglected in terms of non-industrial infrastructural investment. And while the latest generation has started to feel  more at home in the region, this is again threatened by the real possibility that the mining limits imposed by the first post-communist government will soon be lifted in order to keep fuelling the Czech Republic’s stock of coal-fired power stations and heating plants for decades to come.
 
===Over-reliance on heavy industry and mining===
 
Although it would be a mistake to characterise the entire Usti region as one based solely on heavy industry – it also contains highly fertile agricultural areas, as well as successful glass and textile industries - nevertheless, lignite mining has been a mainstay of the Usti economy for many decades and continues to be to this day. The Czechoslovak Army Mine between Most and Litvinov is one of the largest coal mines in the country. The Czech Republic’s energy strategy is so reliant upon the Usti region’s coal to drive its economy that serious consideration is being given to lifting the limits on mining areas originally imposed in 1991 that would lead to the further destruction of the natural landscape and local ecosystems, and require the demolition of further towns and villages, particularly Horní Jiřetín and Černice. It would also endanger important cultural monuments such at the famous Jezeří Chateau located on the foot hills of the Ore Mountains just above the Czechoslovak Army Mine; needless-to-say, this would wreak havoc on the fragile sense of community that has been established there in more recent times.
 
Accompanying the mining industry is the location of the highest concentration of coal-fired power stations and heating plants in the Czech Republic. As noted above, the biggest Czech oil refinery is located in Záluží u Mostu (the site of the Nazi regime’s synthetic fuel manufacturing plant during the war), and there is a large chemical industry based in the region (manufacture of epoxy, chloride, sodium hydroxide, hydrogen, paint, synthetic gems, etc).
 
The mining or chemical companies Czech Coal, Severočeské doly, Chemopetrol are the biggest employers in the region. To give some indication of the importance of heavy industry to the region in terms of employment, figures issued by the Czech Statistics Office show that earnings on the sale of products and services of an industrial nature per employee was the highest in the Usti region in all the Czech Republic in 2011 (CZK 6,001 compared to the Czech average of CZK 3,710).
 
===Damage to environmental and human health===
 
Industrial activity in the past had and still does have a negative impact on the quality of the local environment. The large-scale development of open cast mining has significantly damaged the natural face of the region and which has only been restored to some extent through hugely expensive recultivation work, while local ecosystems have been altered beyond repair, such as the rechanneling of the Bilina river. Acid rain has in the past caused massive damage to the local forest cover, particularly in the Ore Mountains. There are also well-known emissions problems in the region stemming from the concentration of heavy industry. There has, however, been a considerable improvement over the last decade, which can be documented through a lowering in emissions, although despite this fact the region is still seen as having the most damaged environment in the country. The region gives high priority to the measurement of emissions of sulphur dioxide and nitrogen oxides as a result.
 
Under the communist regime, respiratory infections and deaths from respiratory ailments were extremely common, and it was the custom to send children away from the region during the worst occurrences of air pollution in the winter months, or keep them inside in the house. Today the situation has improved, but the Usti region still has one of the highest mortality rates in the Czech Republic (10.7 mortalities per 1,000 inhabitants), and the highest number of miscarriages per 100 births (46.5). While there is no conclusive scientific evidence to link these statistics to environmental pollution in the region, a recent study by the Charles University Environment Center on the external costs of expanding mining operations by lifting the current limits and burning the resulting coal indicated that the cost to human health would be enormous in terms of new cases of bronchitis, increasing hospitalisation rates for heart and respiratory disease, and a general relative decrease in life span.
 
===High unemployment & low levels of higher education attainment===
 
According to the latest Czech Statistics Office data as at 31 March 2012, the unemployment rate in the Usti region is the highest in the country at 13.67% (compared to the Czech average of 8.91%). The city of Most has the third worst unemployment rate in the country of 16%. While the region had the fifth highest average monthly wage in the Czech Republic in 2011 of CZK 25,938 (cf. the Czech average of CZK 26,276) it also recorded the third lowest growth in wages in 2011 of 1.7% (cf. 3.2%).
 
According to the latest census figures, the Usti region recorded its second biggest increase in educational achievement over the last decade (2.4%) in people with a university education: 7.8% of the population (cf. 12.4% for the whole Czech Republic). However, in comparison with all other Czech regions, this places it in second last position only. There is only one public university in the Usti region: UJEP.
Lack of engagement and social exclusion
 
At 55.66%, participation in the last parliamentary elections in the Usti region was the second lowest in the country (cf. 62.6%). This situation is repeated in all forms of elections; at the last municipal elections in 2010, the turnout was again the second lowest at 42.5% (cf. national average of 48.5%). While there is general disillusionment with the political system across the Czech Republic, it is perhaps more strongly felt in the Usti region where there have been a number corruption scandals involving prominent politicians, not the least of which surrounds the sale of the Most Coal Company many billions of crowns less than its actual value and hence a loss of revenue to national, regional, district and municipal coffers.
 
In addition, there is a relatively large Romany population resident in the Usti region, but concentrated in certain area with poor social facilities and decaying infrastructure, such as the Chanov district of Most city, purpose-built as a segregated Romany district under the former regime, or smallish towns like Janov, Varnsdorf and Šluknov where large numbers of Romany have only recently been relocated from other parts of the Czech Republic. Unemployment rates among these communities are very high and they are consequently dependent on social benefits. Tensions with the local Czech population regularly spark confrontations between the two communities, and recently clashes in the latter two towns have required national police intervention.
 
A perception of neglect by central government and the likely lifting of coal mining limits may be exacerbating a sense of helplessness, disillusionment and disengagement. A number of NGOs operate in the region to encourage more active public participation and engagement in local issues, but as with the rest of the Czech Republic and aggravated by its troubled recent history, the sense of community-mindedness and civil society remains weak.
 
===Underdeveloped tourism potential===
 
Despite a number of outstanding natural features, such as the Ore Mountains and the Central Bohemian Uplands, and many historical buildings and heritage sites, the negative public perception of the Usti region remains so strong that it is the least visited region in the Czech Republic. According to the Czech Statistics Office, the Usti region’s share of overall visitors to the Czech Republic is 2.4%, the lowest of all regions.


== Region ==


== Problem and hypothesis ==  
== Problem and hypothesis ==  

Revision as of 12:08, 27 November 2012

Content and goals

In contrast to the e-learning modules of the ISPoS program, the Summer School focused on the local problems of a specific region where the huge impacts of supra-regional industries are visible. The program capitalized on the opportunities to see and experience the situation in the Ore Mountains: a Czech – German border region which suffers from (unregulated) mining industry, air pollution from lignite power plants and chemical factories, and above all bears the history of the Sudetenland with all its attached stigmas relating to the forced migration of its inhabitants. We met local people and points of interest, explored and described the current situation and tried to find solutions through the exploration of the actor analysis method practical applied to the local circumstances.

Ustí Region

The burden of history & alienation from the landscape

In former times, the Usti region was comprised to a large extent by a sizeable part of the German Sudetenland, much of which ran along the southern, western and northern borderlands between Germany and the Czechoslovakia and populated predominantly by ethnic Germans. The area was occupied by the Nazi regime and put under military administration following the 1938 Munich Agreement. Transportation of the local Jewish population to concentration camps and the expulsion of the much of the ethnic Czech population into the Czech and Moravian Protectorate followed. The Nazis then unashamedly exploited the natural resources and established industries of the Usti region without concern for maintenance (it was a vital area for the manufacture of synthetic fuel from the local coal deposits to drive the Nazi war machine).

At the end of the war, most Sudeten Germans were in turn expelled from the region by the re-established Czechoslovak government, leaving large swathes of the land virtually uninhabited. New immigrants to the region from Czech, Slovak, Romany and Ukrainian populations had no connection to the land or its history, and some of the initial waves of immigrants were simply seeking to strip private and public buildings of property and return to where they originally came from. An ensuing ‘deGermanisation’ campaign in favour of all things Czech led to the further destruction of German monuments and housing stock and the obliteration of valuable artefacts and records.

The sudden disappearance of centuries of German culture and nearly all the German inhabitants, plus the arrival of a wholly new population with no roots to the area contributed to irreparable damage to both the human landscape and natural environment. This alienation to the land was further exacerbated by the drawing of the Iron Curtain around the newly communist post-war states in the Central and Eastern Europe; the borderlands in the Usti region effectively became out-of-bounds or suffered from a lack of investment for many decades as a result. Allied to this neglect of the region was the communist regime’s desire to fuel large-scale industrial expansion by massively exploiting the lignite reserves in the North Bohemian coal basis. Extraction of the coal required the wholesale demolition of entire villages and towns; the regime knew that it could rely on the acquiescence of a local population that had no connection to the land and was reliant on the work provided by this type of exploitation. Even the entire former royal city of Most was systematically bulldozed from the late 1060s to the early 1980s to extract the coal beneath it and rebuilt along non-anaesthetic socialist utilitarian lines.

Even the new democratic era has not greatly benefited the Usti region in comparison to other parts of the Czech Republic, as the area remains relatively neglected in terms of non-industrial infrastructural investment. And while the latest generation has started to feel more at home in the region, this is again threatened by the real possibility that the mining limits imposed by the first post-communist government will soon be lifted in order to keep fuelling the Czech Republic’s stock of coal-fired power stations and heating plants for decades to come.

Over-reliance on heavy industry and mining

Although it would be a mistake to characterise the entire Usti region as one based solely on heavy industry – it also contains highly fertile agricultural areas, as well as successful glass and textile industries - nevertheless, lignite mining has been a mainstay of the Usti economy for many decades and continues to be to this day. The Czechoslovak Army Mine between Most and Litvinov is one of the largest coal mines in the country. The Czech Republic’s energy strategy is so reliant upon the Usti region’s coal to drive its economy that serious consideration is being given to lifting the limits on mining areas originally imposed in 1991 that would lead to the further destruction of the natural landscape and local ecosystems, and require the demolition of further towns and villages, particularly Horní Jiřetín and Černice. It would also endanger important cultural monuments such at the famous Jezeří Chateau located on the foot hills of the Ore Mountains just above the Czechoslovak Army Mine; needless-to-say, this would wreak havoc on the fragile sense of community that has been established there in more recent times.

Accompanying the mining industry is the location of the highest concentration of coal-fired power stations and heating plants in the Czech Republic. As noted above, the biggest Czech oil refinery is located in Záluží u Mostu (the site of the Nazi regime’s synthetic fuel manufacturing plant during the war), and there is a large chemical industry based in the region (manufacture of epoxy, chloride, sodium hydroxide, hydrogen, paint, synthetic gems, etc).

The mining or chemical companies Czech Coal, Severočeské doly, Chemopetrol are the biggest employers in the region. To give some indication of the importance of heavy industry to the region in terms of employment, figures issued by the Czech Statistics Office show that earnings on the sale of products and services of an industrial nature per employee was the highest in the Usti region in all the Czech Republic in 2011 (CZK 6,001 compared to the Czech average of CZK 3,710).

Damage to environmental and human health

Industrial activity in the past had and still does have a negative impact on the quality of the local environment. The large-scale development of open cast mining has significantly damaged the natural face of the region and which has only been restored to some extent through hugely expensive recultivation work, while local ecosystems have been altered beyond repair, such as the rechanneling of the Bilina river. Acid rain has in the past caused massive damage to the local forest cover, particularly in the Ore Mountains. There are also well-known emissions problems in the region stemming from the concentration of heavy industry. There has, however, been a considerable improvement over the last decade, which can be documented through a lowering in emissions, although despite this fact the region is still seen as having the most damaged environment in the country. The region gives high priority to the measurement of emissions of sulphur dioxide and nitrogen oxides as a result.

Under the communist regime, respiratory infections and deaths from respiratory ailments were extremely common, and it was the custom to send children away from the region during the worst occurrences of air pollution in the winter months, or keep them inside in the house. Today the situation has improved, but the Usti region still has one of the highest mortality rates in the Czech Republic (10.7 mortalities per 1,000 inhabitants), and the highest number of miscarriages per 100 births (46.5). While there is no conclusive scientific evidence to link these statistics to environmental pollution in the region, a recent study by the Charles University Environment Center on the external costs of expanding mining operations by lifting the current limits and burning the resulting coal indicated that the cost to human health would be enormous in terms of new cases of bronchitis, increasing hospitalisation rates for heart and respiratory disease, and a general relative decrease in life span.

High unemployment & low levels of higher education attainment

According to the latest Czech Statistics Office data as at 31 March 2012, the unemployment rate in the Usti region is the highest in the country at 13.67% (compared to the Czech average of 8.91%). The city of Most has the third worst unemployment rate in the country of 16%. While the region had the fifth highest average monthly wage in the Czech Republic in 2011 of CZK 25,938 (cf. the Czech average of CZK 26,276) it also recorded the third lowest growth in wages in 2011 of 1.7% (cf. 3.2%).

According to the latest census figures, the Usti region recorded its second biggest increase in educational achievement over the last decade (2.4%) in people with a university education: 7.8% of the population (cf. 12.4% for the whole Czech Republic). However, in comparison with all other Czech regions, this places it in second last position only. There is only one public university in the Usti region: UJEP. Lack of engagement and social exclusion

At 55.66%, participation in the last parliamentary elections in the Usti region was the second lowest in the country (cf. 62.6%). This situation is repeated in all forms of elections; at the last municipal elections in 2010, the turnout was again the second lowest at 42.5% (cf. national average of 48.5%). While there is general disillusionment with the political system across the Czech Republic, it is perhaps more strongly felt in the Usti region where there have been a number corruption scandals involving prominent politicians, not the least of which surrounds the sale of the Most Coal Company many billions of crowns less than its actual value and hence a loss of revenue to national, regional, district and municipal coffers.

In addition, there is a relatively large Romany population resident in the Usti region, but concentrated in certain area with poor social facilities and decaying infrastructure, such as the Chanov district of Most city, purpose-built as a segregated Romany district under the former regime, or smallish towns like Janov, Varnsdorf and Šluknov where large numbers of Romany have only recently been relocated from other parts of the Czech Republic. Unemployment rates among these communities are very high and they are consequently dependent on social benefits. Tensions with the local Czech population regularly spark confrontations between the two communities, and recently clashes in the latter two towns have required national police intervention.

A perception of neglect by central government and the likely lifting of coal mining limits may be exacerbating a sense of helplessness, disillusionment and disengagement. A number of NGOs operate in the region to encourage more active public participation and engagement in local issues, but as with the rest of the Czech Republic and aggravated by its troubled recent history, the sense of community-mindedness and civil society remains weak.

Underdeveloped tourism potential

Despite a number of outstanding natural features, such as the Ore Mountains and the Central Bohemian Uplands, and many historical buildings and heritage sites, the negative public perception of the Usti region remains so strong that it is the least visited region in the Czech Republic. According to the Czech Statistics Office, the Usti region’s share of overall visitors to the Czech Republic is 2.4%, the lowest of all regions.


Problem and hypothesis

With regard to the preliminary experience with the region (preparation and realization of the Summer School 2011) we posed the hypothesis that the source of pressing regional problems that include the social, economic and environmental sphere are the distorted relationships of those living in the area – a dysfunctional social structure that provides good ground for resource exploitation rather than for living. We have evidence from history – expulsion of the German population and the invasion of “gold diggers” caused enormous degradation of whole regions. Consequently, after the post-war period there appeared to be no ground for re-establishment of civic structures, and ideologically based regional strategy aimed at development of heavy industry base for whole communist block at any price faced no opposition. The tradition of unscrupulous exploitation is still relevant today as the place lacks points of reference for the development of new, place-based relationships within the community – history with its artefacts has disappeared in the mining pits and artificially “reconstructed” nature does not provide any emotional incentives that would be a basis for development of a feeling for home. (However, if we look at the region with more attentiveness, its beauty could be easily revealed.)

Research question

Sustainable development regional strategies in general aim to capitalize on regional resources (natural, cultural) and manage them in sustainable way to develop their potential, and simultaneously preserve them for future generations. But in case when economy of the region is fully oriented towards “big projects” based on exploitation of “enormous natural resource abundance”, and regional strategies do not support small scaled innovations and initiatives (which makes from inhabitants hostages), something has to be changed substantially. Obviously, local people should be empowered to get rid of economic dependence on the big companies, but also gain new relationship to the place to feel responsibility for its future. For researchers, this situation provides an opportunity to analyse which actors might be sources of conflict and which create vital bonds or networks with other social groups and also are connected to the regional heritage (history, tradition, natural points etc.). Based on these considerations, we have identified the main research question for this year: How is the social capital formed? Who contributes to it and how? Then we also explored, how might be (or already is) this social capital contributing to sustainable development of the region, what are the main processes, and who plays the role in them.

Related case study

The other aim was to develop a case study focused on relationships of different interest groups (or actors) playing a role in brown coal mining conflict. We have made a basis for that – described the situation “objectively” – we have used resources describing the history, culture, environment etc. Our aim was to let the local actors to contribute to it – from their subjective point of view that included also their interests with regard to the mining issue. This part of our research has still to be done.

Framework for exploration

Analysis of the regional situation and its sustainable development opportunities from the point of view of regional actors, from the perspective of social capital, and in historical and contemporary context.

I. Context: introduction into the regional situation with its history and current problems

II. Framing: guiding concepts in regional context (social capital, relations to place, EU and global driving forces) Introduce the concept of social capital (SC)

1. Definition

  • What does it mean in the local context?

2. Define environmental and economic capital & interrelationships

  • What do these concepts mean in the local context?
  • How do they manifest in the history and now?

Place-based principles in regional context 3. Definition

  • Find the role in different cooperation networks, spheres (education,…) and reflect relations to social etc. capital

New networks and relationships (EU, global networks) 4. Definition or description

  • Find the role in different cooperation networks, spheres (economy,…) and reflect relations to social etc. capital

III. Identification of boundary objects: case studies of regional situation with future perspective (and hidden role of social capital)

1. Case study writing and important aspects from analytical point of view

IV. Hypothesis: SD concept and regional strategies include three pillars and interrelationships: economic, environmental, and social. role of SC underestimated as this is mainly “process oriented” (consists in relationships between elements of the system, not product oriented etc.). SC has played a role in history and its destruction caused huge environmental and economic problems. SC is one of the driving forces of the development and should be paid attention accordingly. Should be shown in our case.

Method of work: Specification of the research perspective – social capital – within the region (object of the study -> tackled as a system) and its development strategies;

Research question: How is the SC perspective manifested in the research area, is it supported within development strategies? 1. Analysis of existing regional development principles (ZÚR) from SC perspective 2. Analysis of potential regional development strategies from SC perspective based on case studies and SWOT analysis done by actors

V. Analytical methods, we are going to use – methodological introduction

1. Case study writing (input by actors exploited, and how to supplement knowledge base) & analysis (how it works in the research, and what different viewpoints reveal)

2. Interviews – goal: receive objective information on the situation  critically assess info from other actors and reflect role of actor within the context of cooperation, public debate and simply regional situation

3. SWOT – perspectives by different actors

4. Comparative study: comparison of two countries, analysis of influence of different actors than in CR (at least mining companies missing) on regional development options.

5. Actor analysis

6. Mind mapping – stakeholder maps with relations between actors (different graphical expression)

7. Interaction analysis – analysis of relationships and interactions in the mind map

8. System analysis of the social relations (place is one of the elements of the system)

  • Structural
  • From the viewpoint of relations between elements and processes

9. Reframing workshop: 3 perspectives applied on the case study and mind maps. Relevant projects and scenarios outlined.

10. Scenario analysis – introductory steps

VI. Students’ work – STEPS:

1. Collaborative work I: identify actors in the network, think about system of relations

  • experiences from e-learning

Identify important aspects of the network from the point of view of SC (trust etc.) 2. Group work I (GW I) – stakeholder mapping workshop: forming of actor groups, role-playing one of the actors + creation of the „knowledge base“ for the role of actor:

  • Draw a map of actors, analyse and identify uncertainties to be explored
  • Mental mapping of the situation – relations of the group (one of the actors) to other actors
  • Interrelations of other actors

3. Group and Collaborative work II – case study writing:

  • How to interview real actors
  • Case study writing on behalf of an interest group, with input of the interviews real actors

4. Group work II (GW II) – comparative study of relationships on the German side of the border Actor analysis focused on important aspects from the SC perspective (trust, relation to the place, etc.)

  • Actor analysis methodology revisited – SC focus
  • Analysis of the mental maps done by other “actors” in GW I
  • Start with analysing of the input produced by real actors
  • Comparison with German situation

5. Collaborative work III – actor analysis of the stakeholder map produced: Put together results done by “actors”: students’ groups

  • Relations between stakeholder maps produced by students in groups, and combining stakeholders maps into one
  • Analysis of actors’ relationships, based on concept of ‘vital interests’ (see below)
  • Analysis of actors’ relationships, based on concept of ‘superstructure options’ (see below)
  • Find common interests and conflicts in scenarios done by different actors (from SWOT analyses)

6. Group work III – reframing workshop: Identification of potential regional projects

VII. Outcomes:

1. Case study (boundary object): general (objective) description and viewpoints by individual actors.

2. Reframing: region as a system of social relations – structural analysis, processes.

3. Analytical work: AA & mind maps of social relations. Perspective: aspects of SC (social capital) such as trust,…

4. Analytical results – kind of study???: answer to the research questions: what is the role of social capital in the sustainable development of the region, how is the SC included in the regional development strategies, how should the regional development strategy look like if the SC was one of the leading principles in it?

5. Potential regional projects identified and discussed with regional stakeholders

6. Public presentation and discussion – received feedback on the work by real actors.

Resources

ZIMMERMANN, A., MAENNLING, C. (2007) Mainstreaming participation. Multi-stakeholder management: Tools for Stakeholder Analysis: 10 building blocks for designing participatory systems of cooperation. Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development. Deutsche Gesellschaft fur Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) GmbH, Eschborn.

Multi-Stakeholder Engagement Processes. A UNDP Capacity Development Resource (2006). Conference Paper, United Nations Development Programme

Harmonising Collaborative Planning (2005). University of Osnabrueck, Institute of Environmental Systems Research, Germany. ISBN 3-00-016970/9.